How inequality can corrode

SA inequality conversation op edMany of the most virulent consequences of inequality are evident in South Africa’s increasingly sour, contentious and dysfunctional politics. The op-ed piece linked below gives the highlights of a paper on the subject, which I co-authored with the University of Cape Town’s Alan Hirsch and Ingrid Woolard. The paper assesses  comparatively the magnitude of South Africa’s inequality challenge,  and suggests some possible  ways forward. http://theconversation.com/the-missing-middle-of-south-africas-economic-ladder-threatens-stability-42020

 

The BBC’s James Deane on the implications of WWG for media activism

BBC Media ActionThe attached post by James Deane, Director of BBC Media Action’s Policy and Learning group, explores in a thoughtful, challenging way my “working with the grain” approach from the perspective of a media activist. James’ comments are an expansion of his comments as discussant for my keynote speech in Paris last week at the OECD Development Advisory Committee’s GovNet meeting….. http://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/bbcmediaaction/entries/b5adf6cd-61cb-4997-aeda-0a9139fed8ad?fb_ref=Default

 

 

Smart problem-solving and Selma-style campaign tactics

selmaDavid Booth of the Overseas Development Institute wrote an extensive set of comments on the democracy series (on the People, Spaces Deliberation site which re-published the posts; link below). I thought it useful to re-publish his comments (plus my response) here.

DAVID  BOOTH’S COMMENT ON: “DEVELOPING DEMOCRACIES CAN THRIVE – MESSILY”:

“Brian, I hope many of your readers will follow you in foreswearing the seductive utopianism of transformative democratic change. Incremental progress – small steps forward in political, economic and social spheres that reinforce one another and become cumulative – is as good as it gets in the real world. And it’s well worth having. Big-bang democratisation has never happened in history. The illusion that it can happen (implying, among other things, that it is invariably a good idea to overturn dictatorships) has become a major force for bad in the world, especially when it feeds the arrogance of global power in areas like the Middle East.

But as well as agreeing, let me challenge you to go further, in two ways. First, I think we need to respond to those who are impatient for change by providing an alternative vision of how incremental progress can be maximised and retrogressions avoided. I don’t think ‘sustaining momentum’ quite provides that. And I don’t think anybody is going to be terribly excited by a vision of progress that is no more than democratic utopianism running at very slow speed.

So why not embrace vigorously that other theme of Dani Rodrik’s recent writing: the virtues of systematic problem-driven policy experimentation, the assumption of which is that there is no pre-written script of progress, whether economic or political; countries have to discover what works for them. And when they get the hang of this, as in China, the resulting change can be far from slow. Is there a good reason why this thinking would to economic reform but not to political development and democratisation?

Just before writing this I was watching the movie Selma on a plane, and I know Martin Luther King is a hero of yours. The film reminds us that democratic progress is partly about politically smart tactics, and those have to be learned; there are models but no textbook.

Second, one of the reasons the democratisation script is not pre-written is, obviously, that countries have very different ethno-regional and social structures. You will agree that one of the things young democracies in the developing world have handled particularly badly is ethnicity. I would suggest that unnatural nation-state structures inherited from colonialism combined with political constitutions that are leading examples of isomorphic mimicry – the opposite of context-sensitive problem solving – are behind a significant part of the poor rate of institutional improvement to which you draw attention.

So a major part of the agenda of experimentation and discovery around democratisation that I invite you to advocate needs to be about this. It needs to be about finding pathways and forms of politics and political institution-building that are capable of handling ethnic division in a constructive way – of taking the sting out of what Lonsdale calls ‘political tribalism’ and harnessing his ‘moral ethnicity’ to development.

Both of these challenges are difficult, for sure. But I suggest they may excite some of those who feel that people like you and me are offering a rather dismal alternative to democratic utopianism.”

DAVID BOOTH’S COMMENT ON VISION STRATEGY AND PROCESS

“Brian, I am still catching up with your excellent democracy series. In this one, you do take the argument forward in some of the ways I was appealing for in my comment on the previous one! I think parts of the challenge remain, though. Some of your bulleted suggestions here do feel a bit like the standard utopia in slow motion. I think we can and should be putting more accent on smart problem-solving and Selma-style campaign tactics.”

AND HERE IS A SOMEWHAT EXPANDED VERSION OF MY RESPONSE TO DAVID ON THE “PEOPLE, SPACES DELIBERATION” SITE.

David: Your comment on this and my earlier post has had me thinking hard….. It led me to make the suggestion, at a presentation at the OECD’s Development Advisory Committee, that we might consider replacing “good governance” with an agenda of “governance activism in service of inclusive democratic development“. I suggested  that this agenda might include:

  • Agricultural development — building the bargaining power of small farmers
  • Human development for all — bringing transparency & participation out of their technocratic shadows
  • Cities that work for all – including inclusive services; and clean city government
  • Natural resources justice — Who benefits? Who gets hurt?

Finally, here is a link to the “People, Spaces Deliberation” site.

Reframing democratic development — vision, strategy and process

no_easy_walk_to_freedom How,  in today’s complex and uncertain times, can those of us working at the interface between governance and development sustain  what the great twentieth century development economist, Albert Hirschman, called  “a bias for hope”?

In two recent blog posts (click HERE and HERE)  I took stock of the evidence as to the extent of governance improvement between 1998 and 2013 among 65 democratic countries (the large majority of which made their initial transition to democracy subsequent to 1990). The results left me feeling even more skeptical than when I wrote Working with the Grain as to the practical relevance of maximalist “good governance” agendas. We need an alternative approach.

To tease out an alternative, it is useful to begin with the classic three-part tripod for orchestrating change – clarifying the vision, developing a strategy for moving towards the realization of that vision,  and delineating step-by-step processes for facilitating implementation. Using this lens, the classic ‘good governance’ discourse turns out to be all vision, empty of strategic content, and counterproductive vis-à-vis process.

‘Good governance’ generally directs attention to the destination, to   how a well-functioning democratic society is supposed to work — and seeks to motivate by cultivating dissatisfaction with the gap between the destination and the way things are. Yes – electoral accountability, a strong rule of law, a capable public sector, robust control of corruption, and a ‘level playing field’ business environment are all desirable.  But the institutional underpinnings for many of these are demanding – and advocates generally stop short of laying out any practical program for getting from here to there. With no proactive agenda for action, the all-too-common result is to end up fuelling  disillusion and despair, rather than cultivating hope.

There is, though, an even deeper problem with maximalist advocacy: it sells democracy short. In its essence, what democracy offers – and authoritarian alternatives do not – is an invitation to citizens to work to shape their own lives and to participate peacefully in the shaping of their societies, according to their distinctive visions of freedom and justice.  This journey is a challenging one – with much democratic ‘messiness’, and corresponding disappointment along the way. But no matter how challenging the journey, once the invitation to engage has been embraced, the personal dignity it offers cannot be taken away. This invitation, not empty guarantees of success,  is at the core of the democratic vision — its inspiration, its source of sustainability.

This brings us to process —  the second pillar of the change tripod. In the later stages of his career, Albert Hirschman turned his attention from trying to understand strategies for economic development, to trying to understand  how we thought and spoke about them. His  purpose, he asserted, was: “…. to move public discourse beyond extreme, intransigent postures of either kind, with the hope that in the process….participants engage in meaningful discussion, ready to modify initially held opinions in the light of other arguments and new information..”

 The renowned Vietnamese Buddhist monk, Thich Nhat Hanh, points to why the quality of discourse matters greatly.  “Peace”, he suggested  “is every step:Freedom is not given to us by anyone; we have to cultivate it ourselves…. here and now, in ourselves and in everything we do and see…. (in) every breath we take, every step we take….. The question is whether or not we are in touch with it. We need only to be awake, alive in the present moment.” Insofar as democracy is an affirmation of dignity, its promise is not accessible only when some distant destination is reached. Its potential is also here and now — realizable through a process that, in and of itself, is an affirmation of that dignity.

Dignity also is central  to the third leg of the tripod for the orchestration of change –a strategy for democratic development which has the affirmation of human dignity at its heart. As an alternative to what one might call ‘Big-G’ reforms of governance systems,   Working with the Grain (Oxford, 2014) lays out a ‘small-g governance’ strategy for deepening democracy among countries which have formally embraced democratic forms, but whose practices fall far, far short of a normative ideal. A ‘small-g’ strategy focuses on a search for concrete gains vis-à-vis specific problems – and emphasizes the pursuit of these gains through active citizenship, through participation and engagement among equals.

The immediate goal of a  ‘small-g’ strategy is to nurture “islands of effectiveness” — to identify entry points for focused engagement among a variety of stakeholders with high-powered incentives to see the outcomes achieved.  Working with the Grain explores in depth a variety of potential entry points:

  • Public entrepreneurs at multiple layers of government can foster ‘islands of effectiveness’ even within a broadly dysfunctional public service —   focusing on achievement of a very specific public purpose (better schools, better infrastructure, less stifling regulation), and endeavoring to build within their domain both a team with the skills and commitment to achieve that purpose, and the network of external alliances needed to fend off opposition.
  • Civil society groups can forge a middle path of engagement —   neither locking-in to confrontational action, nor surrendering principle in search of the next donor- or government-funded contract, but rather focusing on the quality of service provision, both partnering with providers and holding them accountable for how public resources are used.
  • Northern activists can seek eyes-wide-open partnerships with globalized firms – anchored in collectively designed and transparent, mutually monitored commitments to, say, rein in bribe-giving, or to target exploitative practices vis-à-vis environmental protection, labor standards, and the extraction of natural resources.
  • Scholars and practitioners can monitor governance in ways that encourage a long view – foreswearing overheated rhetoric in the face of year-to-year changes in indicators of corruption, the rule of law, or government effectiveness, and using monitoring to provide a platform for nurturing constructive dialogue on trends, identifying lagging areas, and exploring how they might be addressed.

Gains from any individual initiative might initially seem small, but individual islands can pull a wide variety of related activities in their wake, adding up over time into far-reaching economic , social and political change – while affirming, at each step along the way, the positive promise of democratic development.

Vision, process and strategy become a mutually reinforcing pathway of democratic development. The vision brings the promise of dignity to center stage;  the process is one that systematically affirms that dignity; and the ‘small-g’ strategy  offers ample opportunity for the practice of ‘active citizenship’ for engagement among equals. Taken together, these elements perhaps indeed offer a new basis for sustaining Albert Hirschman’s ‘bias for hope’ — but in a different intonation from that usually evoked by democracy’s advocates.

The usual intonation of democracy advocacy is a drumbeat of exhortation, of a world on the march to some more perfect destination on the horizon. But, as per Albert Hirschman and Thich Nhat Hanh, hope can also come in a quieter pitch: softer voices, calming rather than raising the temperature, searching, encouraging deliberation, reflection, co-operation.  Over the past two decades, democracy advocates have been sobered by the messy complexity of what it takes to get from here to there. Perhaps going forward, it is not in the drumbeat of exhortation but in hope’s softer, quieter intonations that we will find our inspiration – and our staying power.

Developing democracies can thrive — messily

participation formsIn a recent blog post, I introduced some data on patterns of governance change in developing democracies. The data confirm a central theme of Working with the Grain – that most developing democracies are messy, and are likely to remain that way for the foreseeable future. For the overwhelming majority of developing democracies, transformational fantasies are just that – fantasies. In these messy settings,  our conventional  frameworks  of good governance and technocratic policymaking are of little use. Those of us who are committed to democratic pathways need new understandings of the way forward.

This post provides the empirical detail which I promised in the earlier post – and highlights also what the reality of democratic ‘messiness’ implies for action.  As I laid out in the earlier post – and as the attached file on MAJOR GOVERNANCE IMPROVERS 1998 to 2013   details, —  65 countries are on a democratic pathway, and  have populations in excess of 1 million, and per capita incomes which (as of 2000)  were below $10,000.  The group divides more-or-less evenly between 35  countries for which the recent period has been one of continuing (albeit often uneven) economic progress, and 30  countries that have experienced limited, if any, gains on either the institutional or economic front.  The 35 countries in turn divide into three predominant patterns.

First is a group of 13 accession (and candidate accession) countries to the European Union. This group underscores that,  for all of its current difficulties,  the EU has been a powerful positive force for the development of institutions of democracy.  Twelve countries have enjoyed both substantial economic growth and institutional improvement. (Hungary, where growth has been slower, and there has been some institutional decline, is the exception.) Indeed,  six of the twelve  (Albania, Croatia, Estonia, Latvia, Romania, and Serbia) achieved truly far-reaching institutional gains  —  though, for some of these, from a weak starting point, and  with a long road still to be travelled. But for now, with no equivalent regional candidate  anywhere on the horizon, the EU accession experience remains unique, with limited relevance for other countries.

This brings us to the second pattern – rapidly-growing democracies outside the EU zone which,  in the fifteen years from 1998 to 2013, enjoyed continuing transformational gains in governance. How many countries fit into this category?  Only two – and this by a generous count!!!!  One of these is Georgia – where strong leadership between 2004 and 2013 by elected president Mikheil Saakashvili indeed resulted in extraordinarily rapid gains in measured institutional quality  (although it must be noted that, by the tail-end, of his presidency, Saakashvili confronted increasing accusations of abuse of presidential power). The other is Liberia, where institutions remain very, very weak – but where  Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf’s leadership since 2005 has reversed an earlier institutional collapse, with the gains evident in the speed with which (after an initially shaky start) the country has been able to bring its ebola epidemic under control.

In sum, the EU experience aside, a review of the comparative record finds few if any countries which offer inspiration (let alone practical lessons) for complex democratic societies seeking transformational governance change. In the aftermath of an initial democratizing moment, continuing rapid institutional improvements of the kind championed by advocates of bold leadership are exceedingly rare.

So, finally, we come to the third, most prevalent group –  20 democratic countries where the quality of institutions  continues to fall far short of transformational dreams, but where economic growth has been rapid:

  • Some countries in this group have managed some continuing incremental gains in institutional quality. Indonesia is a leading example. As per the data, other possible moderate governance improvers (from very different baselines) are Armenia, Sierra Leone, Turkey and Zambia. (Ukraine, prior to its recent travails, was also on the list.)
  • Other countries (Ghana, for example; or, at higher levels of per capita income, Panama and Uruguay) have seen little change in institutional quality over fifteen years.
  • In yet others (e.g. Bangladesh, Mongolia, Mozambique and Peru) there has been some institutional retrogression.

If one looks only at the quality of institutions few, if any, of the 20 would seem to be models of what one hoped might come in the wake of democracy. But perhaps a narrow pre-occupation with institutional quality is misplaced. What all of the countries in the group share is a sense of dynamism, of things on the move – of possibility — that can come from sustained, broad-based economic growth.

Encouragingly, as Princeton professor Dani Rodrik has laid out in detail for economic policy – and as I detail in Working with the Grain vis-a-vis governance improvement– incremental initiatives can keep forward momentum going, on both the economic and institutional fronts. We don’t need far-reaching transformational boldness of a kind which both recent historical experience and in-depth knowledge of specific country settings tells us simply is not on the cards. As long as momentum can be sustained, the private sector, civil society and middle-class actors all are likely to strengthen – and become increasingly well-positioned to push for better public services, a stronger rule of law, and greater personal freedom.

So perhaps, going forward in what promises to be another challenging year, this could be the resolution of those of us committed to democratic development: that we foreswear the seductive utopianism of transformational change, and commit instead to working in the development and governance trenches — taking satisfaction from modest gains in institutional quality; embracing inclusive economic growth which spreads benefits widely; and working more broadly to sustain forward movement (however partial it might seem). The resulting gains will surely feel uncomfortably partial – and inevitable shortfalls in relation to our imaginary visions of perfection will surely continue to pain us.

But if forward momentum can continue, then  cumulative causation increasingly can make its power felt. Decade-by-decade things will be seen to be getting better. And if  progress can be sustained for, say, a half century —  the length of time that elapsed from the end of the American Civil War in 1865 to the country’s late Progressive Era of the early twentieth century — then perhaps  the world can indeed turn out to have been transformed.

An Africanist’s perspective on Working with the Grain

Ken Opalo (Stanford and Kenya’s Saturday Standard):

“I finally got to reading Brian Levy’s Working With the Grain. It is easily the most underestimated development book of 2014, and should be read alongside William Easterly’s Tyranny of Experts (which it both complements and pushes back against). ” Click on the link below to read the full review on the Africanist Perspective blog:

Working With the Grain in Development

 

Democracy promotion — the virtues of modesty

Too often reformers treat progress toward democracy as if it were all or nothing. Here’s a plea for the messy approach. I participated in forging the good governance consensus. But I’m now convinced it is wrong. I’ve come to realize that it completely underestimates how much time and commitment are needed to transform a country’s institutions. As I argue in Working with the Grain, we need to shift our attention away from trying to achieve everything at once and focus instead on gains that can initially seem quite modest — but which, if pursued persistently, can sometimes trigger a cascading sequence of changes for the better……..

For my full post, which appeared on foreignpolicy.com on September 25, click here

Governance & development — a new way forward

Welcome!

For those of us who work at the interface between governance and development, this is an extraordinary, unsettling time. For many, many decades the pendulum of consensus-thinking has swung from one seeming solution to another.

From the 1950s-70s, there was the vision of development as a problem of finding the right ‘engineering blueprint, embodied in the almost exclusive focus during that era on investment projects. In the 1980s-90s, it was thought that all problems could be solved through the economists’ vision of ‘getting prices right’ through structural reforms. More recently, there has been the ‘good governance’ vision that the key to development was to reverse-engineer (engineering, again!!!) the institutional arrangements that prevailed in high-income countries. Each of these has contained an element of truth, but none has proven adequate to address the complexities of our uncertain early 21st century world.

My new book, Working with the Grain, comprises an effort to cut through some of the endlessly repetitive (and increasingly stale) debates that hold us back. It is one of a series of recent contributions which explore practical alternatives. Other contributors include Matt Andrews, David Booth,  Diana Cammack, Tim Kelsall, Mushtaq Khan,  Lant Pritchett, Sue Unsworth and the Effective States and Inclusive Development research team.  While the contributions vary in their details, all share the following features in common:

  • An insistence that the appropriate point of departure for engagement is with the way things actually are on the ground — not some normative vision of how they should be.
  • A focus on working to solve very specific development problems – moving away from a pre-occupation with longer-term reforms of broader systems and processes, where results are long in coming and hard to discern, and where the temptation is correspondingly large to focus on changes in form for appearances sake, without necessarily any commitment to achieving practical results.
  • An emphasis on ongoing learning – in recognition that no blueprint can adequately capture the complex reality of a specific setting, and thus that implementation must inevitably involve a process of iterative adaptation.

The distinguishing feature of Working with the Grain is its extended exploration of ‘good fit’.  [For more details on the book’s  approach to ‘good fit’ click here.] ‘Good fit’ offers an initial orienting framework, as a guide for helping to identify which of a broad array of alternative interventions potentially are most relevant as points of departure, across a parsimonious set of divergent country settings. The intent is not to prescribe some mechanical formula, but to provide a platform for subsequent learning.

In coming months, I will be exploring the ideas laid out in Working with the Grain with both practitioners and academics. My aim in this blog is to explore the continuing relevance of this emerging approach – with useful updates on interesting links, and some personal reflections on both immediate development and governance challenges, and on questions and issues that arise in the course of scheduled launch events.

Please feel free to add a comment on the link to the left — and/or sign up (on the above right link) if you’d like a notification whenever a new blog post of mine appears.

Warm regards,

Brian